AU Border Programme-Southern Cameroons Mission to Addis Ababa Report

INTRODUCTORY

The Southern Cameroons Mission to Addis Ababa was given a two-fold assignment.

- To counter with the last ounce of vigour the Agenda item proposed by LRC to be put on the AU Summit programme on the Bakassi dispute as a model for peaceful settlement of conflicts in Africa.

- To place the BP on Notice concerning the fact that there is an international boundary separating the territory of the Southern Cameroons from that of La Republique du Cameroun.

The RG already put out an official statement on the Agenda Item. The present report will therefore confine itself to the 2nd assignment namely, Southern Cameroon’s NOTICE TO THE AU BORDER PROGRAMME.

The original plan for the Mission was to send a delegation of 3 people. Finally it was the fall-back position (of 2 persons) which prevailed. The 2-man delegation comprised Mola Njo Litumbe from Buea and Ba Nkom A.F Ndangam from Bamenda.

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Professor Carlson Anyangwe’s Interview with La Nouvelle Expression, November 12, 2008

Professor Carlson Anyangwe gave an interview last month to La Nouvelle Expression (LNE) that was published online on Wednesday November 12.

Below is the full English language text of the responses given to the LNE reporter, Mr. Omer Mbadi Otabela.

1-     In what terms can the anglophone identity problem in Cameroun be defined?

The question you have just asked appears to suggest that there is a community of people known as ‘anglophones’ who happen to find themselves in the French world of Cameroun Republic and who are suffering from an identity crisis. Cameroun Republic is of course the former French Cameroun which achieved national independence on 1 January 1960. I am not aware that there is within the frontiers of that country a community of people known as ‘anglophones’ and who now have an identity crisis. There are many citizens of Cameroun Republic who are proficient in English as a second language. You may speak of them as ‘anglophones’ but I very much doubt that they have an identity problem in their country.

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UNPO Presses UN to Admit Southern Cameroons

The Post (Buea)
NEWS
16 June 2008
By Chris Mbunwe


The ninth General Assembly of the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organisation, UNPO, which held May 16-17, resolved to press the UN to admit Southern Cameroons as a member of the world body of sovereign nations.

This is contained in the UNPO General Assembly Member Resolution dated Thursday, June 12.After examining and listening to all what Southern Cameroons has gone through for over 35 years under President Paul Biya's regime, namely; systematic and wanton repression, torture, arbitrary arrest, detention and imprisonment of SCNC activists, the UNPO resolved that it is high time Southern Cameroons statehood was restored.

In a four-point resolution, UNPO declares, "We, the UNPO General Assembly, unequivocally declare solidarity with the SCNC and the Southern Cameroonian people in their pacific struggle to restore their statehood and sovereign independence, build a democratic society and be masters of their own destiny.

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Southern Cameroons National Council (SCNC) Vice Chair Elected Into UNPO Presidency

The Post (Buea)

NEWS
12 June 2008
By Chris Mbunwe


The Vice Chairman of the Southern Cameroons National Council, SCNC, Nfor Ngala Nfor, has been elected into the Presidency of the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organisation, UNPO.

Nfor Nfor was elected during the ninth UNPO General Assembly that held recently in Brussels, Belgium.The General Assembly was organised at the European Parliament with full attendance of UNPO members and delegates from all over the world.


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Professor Carlson Anyangwe Assumes Control of the Southern Cameroons Struggle

Citizens of the British Southern Cameroons:

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This year marks 150 years of continuing colonisation of our Homeland: British from 1858 to 1887; German from 1888 to 1914; British again from 1915 to 1961; Cameroun Republic from October 1961 to date. Few peoples in the world have had such a chequered and cruel fate. And so we fight to be free. We fight to have full control over our lives and our land. We fight for our future. We fight for our God-given territory. We fight to manage our own affairs. We fight to live a life of dignity as human beings free from fear and want. We fight not for the past. We fight for the future. We fight for the future of our children. Our children deserve a place they can legitimately, proudly, truly and freely call home. It is quite unimportant whether we ourselves as individuals live. But it is essential that, like other people, we as a people live. It is essential that the British Southern Cameroons, by whatever name we eventually choose to baptise it, shall live; and that even as a small nation, it has every right to exist.

Fellow Southern Cameroonians, the use of the term "British" at this point in our struggle must be explained. We are not trying to become British, but we respect the rules. In 1984, the Cameroun Republic reverted to its original identity before its union with the Southern Cameroons. In so doing, Cameroun Republic seceded from the pretended union, but has illegally held on to us as a colony. We had no choice but to revert to our pre-union identity and to resume our decolonisation efforts. The issue of our name has been a cause of much argument in this struggle. One of the first acts of this government will be to obtain through a fair and open process a suitable and final name for ourselves from the genius of our people. That name would in all likelihood be neither "British" or "Cameroons".

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October 1, 2007: Reiterating a Promise

A SOLEMN PROMISE TO HONOR THE LAW OF RETRIBUTION

Before October 1961 the Southern Cameroons was a haven of freedom, peace and steady progress. But tragedy soon struck! In that fateful month of that fateful year the good people of the Southern Cameroons began their descent into hell. They became tragically linked to République du Cameroun by the cruel history of colonial occupation and other forms of imperial plunder. The people of the Southern Cameroons became “a little gift to France from the Queen of England” as Charles de Gaulle said.

For almost half a century now we are locked in a bitter anti-colonial national liberation struggle to free ourselves from the colonial yoke and plunder of a Yaoundé colonial government aided and abetted in its cowardly crimes against humanity in our Homeland by an ex-colonial power that had itself tasted the bitter pill of alien occupation.

The French-controlled Yaoundé colonial government has licensed its loathsome colonial agents in our land to plunder our resources and to murder, torture, terrorize, persecute, abduct, and imprison our people at will and for their psychopathic pleasure. The hands of the French-controlled Yaoundé colonial government are soaked and dripping with the blood of nationals of the Southern Cameroons.

We shall put an end to this criminal activity and expel the colonizer from our Homeland. We shall impose accountability on the coloniser and his agents in the Southern Cameroons. We shall end the pervasive culture of impunity that obtains in République du Cameroun and free that country of its historically attested culture of violence.

We repeat that we will not and cannot obey the decrees and edicts of the colonizer. There is no legal or moral basis that warrants us to do so.

We will ensure and exact retribution from every agent of République du Cameroun who lays his diseased hands on any one of our people. These odious agents also have families. We cannot allow them to continue systematically to murder, maim, torture and imprison members of others’ families and get away with it. We will exact retribution wherever the criminal and those associated with him may be and irrespective of how long that will take. We shall hunt and hound them, one after another. They can temporarily be sheltered by the French-controlled Yaoundé criminal regime, but they will not be sheltered for long. They can run, but they cannot hide.

We have a responsibility to protect our people even as we prosecute to its logical conclusion the national liberation struggle against a colonialism that is most foul and depraved. We have an inter-generational responsibility to free our Homeland from République du Cameroun’s imperialist occupation and plunder.

From this day onwards, République du Cameroun’s colonial agents and sponsored predators will no longer harm our people and plunder our resources without our exacting retribution commensurate with the enormity of their crimes.

From this day onwards, whoever dares to hurt any of our people will be sorted out consistently with the eternal law of self-defence, including pre-emptive self-defence, and the internationally recognised necessity to end the culture of impunity for international crimes, including the crime of colonialism.

In this connection, we have instructed Counsel to consider and initiate proceedings in an appropriate forum against the under-mentioned most responsible individuals for crimes against humanity:

1. Yvon Omnes, former French ambassador to République du Cameroun and Special Adviser to Cameroun President;

2. Biya Paul, the Life French Viceroy who heads the blood-suffused regime of République du Cameroun;

3. Bell Luc René République du Cameroun’s one time colonial ‘gouverneur’ in Bamenda who ordered grenades to be used against peaceful marchers and personally supervised the pogrom in Bamenda;

4. Private Ahidjo, ‘the Butcher of Kumbo’, foot soldier in the Kumbo garrison of République du Cameroun’s colonial occupation forces;

5. Koumpa Issa, République du Cameroun’s choleric and delusion-afflicted colonial ‘gouverneur’ in Bamenda;

6. Col. Mpaye, ‘the Butcher of Bepanda’, and one time commander of République du Cameroun’s colonial occupation forces in Bamenda;

7. Mbonda Thomas Ejake, République du Cameroun’s sanguinary colonial ‘gouverneur’ in Buea who personally supervised the butchery and mayhem by the colonial forces of occupation at the University of Buea in 2005;

8. Bilai Okalia, the delusional colonial ‘prefêt’ in Victoria, prime accomplice of Mbonda Ejake in the butchery and mayhem at the University of Buea in 2005;

9. Col. Gadjama, head of the colonial gendarmerie force in Bamenda;

10. Louis Eyeya Zanga, République du Cameroun’s sanguinary colonial ‘gouverneur’ in Buea who personally supervised the butchery and mayhem by the colonial forces of occupation at the University of Buea during the UB Medical School list protests in 2006;

11. Jacques Fame Ndongo, République du Cameroun’s sanguinary minister of the so-called Ministry of Higher Education who forcefully enrolled his unqualified tribesmen as students at the University of Buea Medical School, and along with Louis Eyeya Zanga supervised the butchery and mayhem by the colonial forces of occupation at the University of Buea during the UB Medical School list protests in 2006;

We continue to update and study the files of other criminals eventually to be added to this list.

Forward all relevant information, including names of perpetrators, place of incidents, time and date of incidents, name of witnesses etc. etc. to: DefCon@southerncameroonsig.org


A Ravaging Political Storm over the Independence of the Former British Southern Cameroons

By Mola Njoh Litumbe

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1. Bamenda, capital of the North West Province in Cameroun, has witnessed major political events in recent history. It was the birthplace of the ruling CPDM party in [la Republique du ] Cameroun, as well as that of the SDF, the leading opposition political party. It now seems destined to play host to another major event as the trial of SCNC activists and that of Professor Martin Chia Ateh, for secession, gathers momentum.

2. The Examining Magistrate, Justice Angelina Atabong, in a Commital Order dated 03/04/2007, charges Professor Ateh for advocating secession of the North West and South West Provinces from La Republique du Cameroun, and for attempting to hold a public meeting at the Presbyterian Youth Centre, Azire, without first notifying the administrative authorities. The recorded statements suggest that Professor Ateh denies the first charge, on grounds that legally speaking, Southern Cameroons is not part of the Republic of Cameroon in as much as the legal formalities to consummate the union were not complied with. In the result, he states that as there was no legal marriage between the two countries as required by international law, the parties are, as it were, living in “sin” rather than “in holy matrimony.” Accordingly, since the union is not founded on legality, parties are free to go their separate ways in the event of disagreement. Secession implies breaking away from a legally constituted unit.

3. The facts of the matter are that the country now known as La Republique du Cameroun graduated from the status of a French Administered UN Trust Territory that was granted independence on 1st January 1960 with a seat at the UN in September of the same year. The International convention of the African Union enjoins emerging African states to respect the colonial boundaries inherited at independence. That being the case, the boundaries of La Republique du Cameroun which attained independence on 1st January 1960 are clearly defined under international law, and cannot include the territory known as British Southern Cameroons which, at the material time of La Republique du Cameroon’s independence, was still a UN trust territory administered by Great Britain. For a charge of secession to succeed therefore, the prosecution has to establish that at some time subsequent to 1st January 1960, Southern Cameroons got legally incorporated as an integral part of La Republique du Cameroun.

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CONTINENTAL SHIFT: Colonial-Era Ties to Africa Face a Reckoning in France

Secretive and Powerful 'Cell' Suffers Blows As Controversies Grow

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By DAVID GAUTHIER-VILLARS
May 16, 2007; Page A1


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On the evening of March 4, 10 French paratroopers reached Birao, Central African Republic, and dropped near an airstrip captured by rebel militia. The paratroopers ambushed the rebels, killing several and reclaiming the airport for the government.

In France, neither the public nor parliament was informed of the attack for three weeks. Coordinating the mission was the "Cellule Africaine," a three-person office nestled behind the Elysée, France's presidential palace. This wasn't the first time the office has been involved in the Central African Republic's internal affairs: In 1979, France toppled the former colony's self-proclaimed emperor and reinstalled his predecessor.


GUARDING FRANCE'S AFRICAN FRONTIER
How French presidents from de Gaulle to Chirac have handled the "African Cell" and France's interests in Africa.

For the past half-century, the secretive and powerful "African Cell" has overseen France's strategic interests in Africa, holding sway over a wide swath of former French colonies. Acting as a general command, the Cell uses France's military as a hammer to install leaders it deems friendly to French interests. In return, these countries give French industries first crack at their oil and other natural resources. Sidestepping traditional diplomatic channels, the Cell reports only to one person: the president.

But with France's new President Nicolas Sarkozy preparing to assume office later today, the African Cell's days may be numbered. There are accusations the French military bears some responsibility for the genocide of 800,000 Tutsis in Rwanda in 1994, charges the government strenuously denies. There's fierce debate over the French military's continuing presence in the Ivory Coast, where soldiers were dispatched in 2002 when rebels threatened to overthrow President Laurent Gbagbo.

The Cell's close ties to oil giant Elf Aquitaine, where top executives were jailed on corruption charges, were a source of embarrassment. And a former Cell chief is now facing charges related to arms trafficking to Angola. Critics say the Cell's support of non-democratic African regimes, an artifact of France's colonial past, is preventing these nations from making progress to modernity. And Africa, once evidence of imperial grandeur, is now viewed by many French as the source of a continuing flood of poor immigrants.


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Farewell, Jacques Chirac

A Leader With a Deep Scorn for Fostering Democracy
By Anne Applebaum
Tuesday, May 8, 2007; A25

(Culled from The Washington Post)


"All political careers end in failure," a British statesman once wisely said. Judging by the wreckage of the famous political career that ended this week, he was even wiser than he knew. With the election of a new president of France on Sunday, the lengthy professional life of Jacques Chirac -- French president for 12 years, mayor of Paris for 18 years, twice French prime minister for a total of four years -- comes to a grinding halt, apparently to the great relief of his compatriots.

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Jacques Chirac Leaves Behind One of His Favorite Puppet-Tyrants, Camerounese Governor Paul Biya

In the coming weeks, there will be plenty of time to discuss the virtues and vices of his successor, President-elect Nicolas Sarkozy. But before Chirac fades from the scene altogether -- or before he becomes embroiled in corruption investigations -- I'd like to take this opportunity to recall some of the highlights of his diplomatic career. Many Americans know him only as the man who made the right decision about Iraq, albeit for the wrong reasons. But try, if you can, to leave Iraq aside: Chirac's more important diplomatic legacy lies elsewhere.

Ponder closely, for example, what Chirac has had to say on Africa, where his country has enormous influence, in many places far outweighing ours: During a visit to the Ivory Coast, Chirac once called "multi-partyism" a "kind of luxury," which his host, president-for-life F?lix Houphouet-Boigny, clearly could not afford. During a visit to Tunisia, he proclaimed that since "the most important human rights are the rights to be fed, to have health, to be educated and to be housed," Tunisia's human rights record is "very advanced" -- never mind the police who beat up dissidents. "Africa is not ready for democracy," he told a group of African leaders in the early 1990s. On Britain: "The only thing they have ever done for European agriculture is mad cow disease . . . You can't trust people who cook as badly as that."

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President Nicolas Sarkozy: Has a Thug Inherited Françafrique?

IG Research Bureau
May 07, 2007

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In mid-June of 1998, just four years after the French genocide in Rwanda, France was again in Africa, this time in Congo-Brazzaville. And like they did four years earlier, the French NGOs: Cimade, Agir ici and Frères des hommes carried out protests in France that were utterly ignored by France’s elite establishment media. Regarding official France, Jean-Arnold de Clermont, the president of Fédération protestante de France would lament in the Fall of 1999 that he was “shocked by the complacent attitude of the French embassy in Congo, and if it is true that the French army was training Mr. Nguesso’s militia, I’ll be very worried about the future. The same thing happened in Rwanda and we know how that turned out.” In a war sponsored by France and ELF, about 250,000 defenseless Africans in the Pool of the Congo will die. Mr. Jean-Arnold de Clermont fears came true. In a morbid conspiracy of silence, there was a complete media black out in France. A journalist for TF1 would say in December of 1998 that “we wanted to mobilize a team in Brazzaville, but we were blocked at both ends.” In Paris and Brazzaville (François-Xavier Verschave). French media barons freely acquiesced to the diktats of the Elysée Palace forbidding any coverage of the carnage in Congo-Brazzaville, a carnage that had the fingerprints of Jacques Chirac and the françafrique village. These are the same media barons French presidential candidate François Bayrou has warned Sarkozy is very close to, in addition to the big businesses like the Bolloré and Bouygues Groups whose thuggish and corrupt practices in Africa has enabled so much deviance on the continent, enabled by French surrogates masquerading as African heads of state.

In 1999, Nicolas Sarkozy proudly stood in court as a character witness for one Charles Pasqua in the latter’s defamation suit against French economist and author, François-Xavier Verschave, regarding the publication of his book on French crimes in Africa, La Françafrique: le plus long Scandale de la République. During the course of the trial, Mr. Pasqua’s networks and dealings with what is now the genocidal regime in Khartoum were exposed. Today, Mr. Pasqua is under indictment for illegal arms dealing in Angola. But he now has as a character witness, the president of France.

France has elevated herself to a nation and people with a global view of life that she believes she must propagate, génocide oblige, to the rest of the world, especially in Africa. They call it their mission civilisatrice. In Africa, institutionalized under Charles de Gaulle’s 5th republic, it is a nefarious and criminal network composed of French politicians, businessmen and journalists along with their African surrogates called françafrique. It is a political disposition that in essence considers the African as sub-human and it is a doctrinaire approach regarding France’s dealings with Africa that Mr. Sarkozy is positioning himself to perpetuate. The command and control of the mafia is the Cellule Africaine at the Elysée Palace under the monopolized direct control of the president of France, that contrary to the promise of the other candidates in the recent French elections, Sarkozy has promised to maintain.

And while Mr. Sarkozy rhapsodizes about a rupture with the past, he has refused any reform of Charles de Gualle's 5th republic that for defenseless Africans has represented repeated coups, massacres, genocides and the institutionalization of a culture of tyrannical corruption, where French advisers still call the shots in countries like Gabon, Congo-Brazzaville, Central African Republic and la République du Cameroun. Where Mr. Bayrou speaks of “the 5th republic that no longer works, wherever there is monopoly of power, pluralism should be instituted. Enough of concentrated power,” Mr. Sarkozy is preparing to use the same instruments to achieve the same aims for his business friends and African surrogates. His homage to Omar Bongo Odimba six weeks ago in Paris, a dinosaur of the françafrique salon speaks for itself.

(See video below)


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