Southern Cameroons Interim Government

VIDEO | Mola Njoh Litumbe on the Southern Cameroons (1)

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VIDEO | Mola Njoh Litumbe on the Southern Cameroons (2)

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Carlson Anyangwe-The Champion Newspaper Interview, January 10, 2010.

January 11, 2010

QUESTIONS FROM THE CHAMPION NEWSPAPER

RESPONDENT: Carlson Anyangwe

1.   Recently, gendarmes from Cameroun invaded homes of Nigerians resident in Bakassi. This is beginning to heighten diplomatic tensions between both countries. How do you view this act of provocation by the Camerounian government?

   

What you call an act of provocation is the stock-in-trade of that country and part of its policy. It is a policy that might well not be too far removed from state sponsored terrorism. The goal of terrorization is to procure submission to colonial occupation. République du Cameroun knows very well that its presence in the Southern Cameroons, including Bakassi of course, is legally untenable. So it seeks to impose a reign of terror in Bakassi in particular, and in the Southern Cameroons in general, in hopes that it can possibly limit the growing widespread and active opposition to the colonial occupation of our homeland. 

Regarding the other aspect of your question, I fear there might be a perception in certain quarters that Nigeria could just be playing to the gallery and deceiving the Nigerians settled in the Bakassi Peninsula. There are two credible, peaceful and meaningful actions Nigeria could take to put an end to République du Cameroun’s continuing armed provocations: set up a committee in parliament to ascertain and report back whether there is any instrument of international law that fixes the boundary of République du Cameroun at the Bakassi Peninsula, and, secondly, execute the Abuja High Court Ruling on the Southern Cameroons. If your paper were to challenge the Federal Government to these specific actions, you may be surprised at the endless excuses it will give.

The only way the government can show seriousness is to address the Bakassi issue from its root cause, which is that République du Cameroun has no boundary with Nigeria at the Bakassi Peninsula. Handing over Bakassi to République du Cameroun was like Mauritania’s purported handing over of the southern part of the Western Sahara to Morocco. In handing over Bakassi Nigeria was in breach of the same international law it claimed to uphold because Nigeria did not only have to respect its boundaries acquired at independence; it is also bound, as a credible member of the international community, to insist on respect of the same principle by République du Cameroun. The principle of international law obliging countries to respect boundaries acquired at independence imposes a concomitant duty on states not to recognize any claim by a state to territory not included in that state’s territory at independence or not acquired by means recognized under international law. Bakassi Peninsula has never been part of the territory of République du Cameroun either before or at its independence, and no new frontier arrangement has ever been made to warrant a change in this territorial state of affairs.

 2.   Will Nigeria be wrong to seek to respond in equal measure against the Camerounian government?

 

Download Nigerian Interview-Published in Sunday Champion, Sunday January 10, 2010-Pages 32-33

AU Border Programme-Southern Cameroons Mission to Addis Ababa Report

INTRODUCTORY

The Southern Cameroons Mission to Addis Ababa was given a two-fold assignment.

- To counter with the last ounce of vigour the Agenda item proposed by LRC to be put on the AU Summit programme on the Bakassi dispute as a model for peaceful settlement of conflicts in Africa.

- To place the BP on Notice concerning the fact that there is an international boundary separating the territory of the Southern Cameroons from that of La Republique du Cameroun.

The RG already put out an official statement on the Agenda Item. The present report will therefore confine itself to the 2nd assignment namely, Southern Cameroon’s NOTICE TO THE AU BORDER PROGRAMME.

The original plan for the Mission was to send a delegation of 3 people. Finally it was the fall-back position (of 2 persons) which prevailed. The 2-man delegation comprised Mola Njo Litumbe from Buea and Ba Nkom A.F Ndangam from Bamenda.

To continue:

Download Southern Cameroons Gov't AU Border Programme Mission Report

Professor Carlson Anyangwe’s Interview with La Nouvelle Expression, November 12, 2008

Professor Carlson Anyangwe gave an interview last month to La Nouvelle Expression (LNE) that was published online on Wednesday November 12.

Below is the full English language text of the responses given to the LNE reporter, Mr. Omer Mbadi Otabela.

1-     In what terms can the anglophone identity problem in Cameroun be defined?

The question you have just asked appears to suggest that there is a community of people known as ‘anglophones’ who happen to find themselves in the French world of Cameroun Republic and who are suffering from an identity crisis. Cameroun Republic is of course the former French Cameroun which achieved national independence on 1 January 1960. I am not aware that there is within the frontiers of that country a community of people known as ‘anglophones’ and who now have an identity crisis. There are many citizens of Cameroun Republic who are proficient in English as a second language. You may speak of them as ‘anglophones’ but I very much doubt that they have an identity problem in their country.

Download english_lne_interview.pdf

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UNPO Presses UN to Admit Southern Cameroons

The Post (Buea)
NEWS
16 June 2008
By Chris Mbunwe

The ninth General Assembly of the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organisation, UNPO, which held May 16-17, resolved to press the UN to admit Southern Cameroons as a member of the world body of sovereign nations.

This is contained in the UNPO General Assembly Member Resolution dated Thursday, June 12.After examining and listening to all what Southern Cameroons has gone through for over 35 years under President Paul Biya's regime, namely; systematic and wanton repression, torture, arbitrary arrest, detention and imprisonment of SCNC activists, the UNPO resolved that it is high time Southern Cameroons statehood was restored.

In a four-point resolution, UNPO declares, "We, the UNPO General Assembly, unequivocally declare solidarity with the SCNC and the Southern Cameroonian people in their pacific struggle to restore their statehood and sovereign independence, build a democratic society and be masters of their own destiny.

Southern Cameroons National Council (SCNC) Vice Chair Elected Into UNPO Presidency

The Post (Buea)

NEWS
12 June 2008
By Chris Mbunwe

The Vice Chairman of the Southern Cameroons National Council, SCNC, Nfor Ngala Nfor, has been elected into the Presidency of the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organisation, UNPO.

Nfor Nfor was elected during the ninth UNPO General Assembly that held recently in Brussels, Belgium.The General Assembly was organised at the European Parliament with full attendance of UNPO members and delegates from all over the world.

Professor Carlson Anyangwe Assumes Control of the Southern Cameroons Struggle

Citizens of the British Southern Cameroons:

This year marks 150 years of continuing colonisation of our Homeland: British from 1858 to 1887; German from 1888 to 1914; British again from 1915 to 1961; Cameroun Republic from October 1961 to date. Few peoples in the world have had such a chequered and cruel fate. And so we fight to be free. We fight to have full control over our lives and our land. We fight for our future. We fight for our God-given territory. We fight to manage our own affairs. We fight to live a life of dignity as human beings free from fear and want. We fight not for the past. We fight for the future. We fight for the future of our children. Our children deserve a place they can legitimately, proudly, truly and freely call home. It is quite unimportant whether we ourselves as individuals live. But it is essential that, like other people, we as a people live. It is essential that the British Southern Cameroons, by whatever name we eventually choose to baptise it, shall live; and that even as a small nation, it has every right to exist.

Fellow Southern Cameroonians, the use of the term "British" at this point in our struggle must be explained. We are not trying to become British, but we respect the rules. In 1984, the Cameroun Republic reverted to its original identity before its union with the Southern Cameroons. In so doing, Cameroun Republic seceded from the pretended union, but has illegally held on to us as a colony. We had no choice but to revert to our pre-union identity and to resume our decolonisation efforts. The issue of our name has been a cause of much argument in this struggle. One of the first acts of this government will be to obtain through a fair and open process a suitable and final name for ourselves from the genius of our people. That name would in all likelihood be neither "British" or "Cameroons".

October 1, 2007: Reiterating a Promise

A SOLEMN PROMISE TO HONOR THE LAW OF RETRIBUTION

Before October 1961 the Southern Cameroons was a haven of freedom, peace and steady progress. But tragedy soon struck! In that fateful month of that fateful year the good people of the Southern Cameroons began their descent into hell. They became tragically linked to République du Cameroun by the cruel history of colonial occupation and other forms of imperial plunder. The people of the Southern Cameroons became “a little gift to France from the Queen of England” as Charles de Gaulle said.

For almost half a century now we are locked in a bitter anti-colonial national liberation struggle to free ourselves from the colonial yoke and plunder of a Yaoundé colonial government aided and abetted in its cowardly crimes against humanity in our Homeland by an ex-colonial power that had itself tasted the bitter pill of alien occupation.

The French-controlled Yaoundé colonial government has licensed its loathsome colonial agents in our land to plunder our resources and to murder, torture, terrorize, persecute, abduct, and imprison our people at will and for their psychopathic pleasure. The hands of the French-controlled Yaoundé colonial government are soaked and dripping with the blood of nationals of the Southern Cameroons.

We shall put an end to this criminal activity and expel the colonizer from our Homeland. We shall impose accountability on the coloniser and his agents in the Southern Cameroons. We shall end the pervasive culture of impunity that obtains in République du Cameroun and free that country of its historically attested culture of violence.

We repeat that we will not and cannot obey the decrees and edicts of the colonizer. There is no legal or moral basis that warrants us to do so.

We will ensure and exact retribution from every agent of République du Cameroun who lays his diseased hands on any one of our people. These odious agents also have families. We cannot allow them to continue systematically to murder, maim, torture and imprison members of others’ families and get away with it. We will exact retribution wherever the criminal and those associated with him may be and irrespective of how long that will take. We shall hunt and hound them, one after another. They can temporarily be sheltered by the French-controlled Yaoundé criminal regime, but they will not be sheltered for long. They can run, but they cannot hide.

We have a responsibility to protect our people even as we prosecute to its logical conclusion the national liberation struggle against a colonialism that is most foul and depraved. We have an inter-generational responsibility to free our Homeland from République du Cameroun’s imperialist occupation and plunder.

From this day onwards, République du Cameroun’s colonial agents and sponsored predators will no longer harm our people and plunder our resources without our exacting retribution commensurate with the enormity of their crimes.

From this day onwards, whoever dares to hurt any of our people will be sorted out consistently with the eternal law of self-defence, including pre-emptive self-defence, and the internationally recognised necessity to end the culture of impunity for international crimes, including the crime of colonialism.

In this connection, we have instructed Counsel to consider and initiate proceedings in an appropriate forum against the under-mentioned most responsible individuals for crimes against humanity:

1. Yvon Omnes, former French ambassador to République du Cameroun and Special Adviser to Cameroun President;

2. Biya Paul, the Life French Viceroy who heads the blood-suffused regime of République du Cameroun;

3. Bell Luc René République du Cameroun’s one time colonial ‘gouverneur’ in Bamenda who ordered grenades to be used against peaceful marchers and personally supervised the pogrom in Bamenda;

4. Private Ahidjo, ‘the Butcher of Kumbo’, foot soldier in the Kumbo garrison of République du Cameroun’s colonial occupation forces;

5. Koumpa Issa, République du Cameroun’s choleric and delusion-afflicted colonial ‘gouverneur’ in Bamenda;

6. Col. Mpaye, ‘the Butcher of Bepanda’, and one time commander of République du Cameroun’s colonial occupation forces in Bamenda;

7. Mbonda Thomas Ejake, République du Cameroun’s sanguinary colonial ‘gouverneur’ in Buea who personally supervised the butchery and mayhem by the colonial forces of occupation at the University of Buea in 2005;

8. Bilai Okalia, the delusional colonial ‘prefêt’ in Victoria, prime accomplice of Mbonda Ejake in the butchery and mayhem at the University of Buea in 2005;

9. Col. Gadjama, head of the colonial gendarmerie force in Bamenda;

10. Louis Eyeya Zanga, République du Cameroun’s sanguinary colonial ‘gouverneur’ in Buea who personally supervised the butchery and mayhem by the colonial forces of occupation at the University of Buea during the UB Medical School list protests in 2006;

11. Jacques Fame Ndongo, République du Cameroun’s sanguinary minister of the so-called Ministry of Higher Education who forcefully enrolled his unqualified tribesmen as students at the University of Buea Medical School, and along with Louis Eyeya Zanga supervised the butchery and mayhem by the colonial forces of occupation at the University of Buea during the UB Medical School list protests in 2006;

We continue to update and study the files of other criminals eventually to be added to this list.

Forward all relevant information, including names of perpetrators, place of incidents, time and date of incidents, name of witnesses etc. etc. to: DefCon@southerncameroonsig.org

A Ravaging Political Storm over the Independence of the Former British Southern Cameroons

By Mola Njoh Litumbe

1. Bamenda, capital of the North West Province in Cameroun, has witnessed major political events in recent history. It was the birthplace of the ruling CPDM party in [la Republique du ] Cameroun, as well as that of the SDF, the leading opposition political party. It now seems destined to play host to another major event as the trial of SCNC activists and that of Professor Martin Chia Ateh, for secession, gathers momentum.

2. The Examining Magistrate, Justice Angelina Atabong, in a Commital Order dated 03/04/2007, charges Professor Ateh for advocating secession of the North West and South West Provinces from La Republique du Cameroun, and for attempting to hold a public meeting at the Presbyterian Youth Centre, Azire, without first notifying the administrative authorities. The recorded statements suggest that Professor Ateh denies the first charge, on grounds that legally speaking, Southern Cameroons is not part of the Republic of Cameroon in as much as the legal formalities to consummate the union were not complied with. In the result, he states that as there was no legal marriage between the two countries as required by international law, the parties are, as it were, living in “sin” rather than “in holy matrimony.” Accordingly, since the union is not founded on legality, parties are free to go their separate ways in the event of disagreement. Secession implies breaking away from a legally constituted unit.

3. The facts of the matter are that the country now known as La Republique du Cameroun graduated from the status of a French Administered UN Trust Territory that was granted independence on 1st January 1960 with a seat at the UN in September of the same year. The International convention of the African Union enjoins emerging African states to respect the colonial boundaries inherited at independence. That being the case, the boundaries of La Republique du Cameroun which attained independence on 1st January 1960 are clearly defined under international law, and cannot include the territory known as British Southern Cameroons which, at the material time of La Republique du Cameroon’s independence, was still a UN trust territory administered by Great Britain. For a charge of secession to succeed therefore, the prosecution has to establish that at some time subsequent to 1st January 1960, Southern Cameroons got legally incorporated as an integral part of La Republique du Cameroun.