Southern Cameroons Interim Government

NO RUPTURE: Sarkozy Insults Africa and Preserves Francafrique

July 31, 2007

A preening Mr. Nicolas Sarkozy during a press conference in Gabon said that "one cannot blame everything on colonisation... the corruption, the dictators, the genocides, that is not colonisation." Where Jacques Chirac had left off telling Africans that democracy was a luxury for them and they should worry instead about their bellies, Mr. Nicolas Sarkozy continued by declaring at the University of Cheikh Anta Diop in Dakar earlier in his mini-tour of Africa that the "African peasant only knows the eternal renewal of time, rhythmed by the endless repetition of the same gestures and the same words ... in this imaginary world where everything starts over and over again, there is no place for human adventure or for the idea of progress." In not so many words, like Jacques Chirac who preceded him, Mr. Nicolas Sarkozy exposed his instrinsic and instinctive belief of Africans to be sub-humans, animals.
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The French rupture with the past Mr. Sarkozy spoke of, as we predicted, does not apply to sub-humans. Mr. Sarkozy has underscored this by pointedly meeting 2 brutal, corrupt and long-serving African dictators (who incidentally are being sued in French courts for corruption and embezzlement) at the beginning of his term: Omar Bongo Ondimba who became the president of Gabon in 1967 when Mr. Sarkozy was all of 12 years old, and Dennis Sassou Nguesso of Congo who has been president on and off for 23 years, just under half of Mr. Sarkozy's 52 years on earth.

When the French and their imperial president terminates the Cooperation Agreements linking them to their former colonies that continues to enforce colonial practices and has effected genocides in la Republique du Cameroun, Rwanda and Congo-Brazzaville and massive massacres in Algeria, Madagascar and Cote d'Ivoire, then Mr. Sarkozy will be taken seriously.

For the people of the Southern Cameroons, we once again call on the imperial French President, Mr. Nicolas Sarkozy de Nagy-Bocsa to end their colonial occupation of the Southern Cameroons by immediately removing their Operation Aramis from our territory.

The Southern Cameroons IG views Operation Aramis as being similar to the Operation Noirot that preceded and mestatasized into the nerve center of the French genocide in Rwanda in 1994.

The Southern Cameroons IG considers the declarations made during la Republique du Cameroun's recent elections by high-ranking officials of the French-sponsored Yaounde regime such as Mr. Etame Massoma and Ephraim Inoni stoking bigotry and "ethnic" hatred similar to declarations that were being made by Rwandese officials under the protection of Operation Noirot and the tutelage of France that lead up to the French genocide in Rwanda. These are practices that are being encouraged by the French advisers in Yaounde, la Republique du Cameroun.

The Post newapaper (No. 0879 of July 30, 2007) quotes Mr. Etame Massoma as saying a rival political party was "an anglophone [Southern Cameroons] party, that had nothing to do with francophones [citizens of the French la Republique du Cameroun]." Mr. Ephraim Inoni on his part campaigned in his native Southwest province against what he termed a "Northwest party" by instructing local administrators not to allow a win of a rival political party perceived to be relatively less unpopular, according to media reports. Reacting to these declarations, the head of the rival political party was quoted in The Post as saying: "We see in this trend the same type of discrimination that built up to the Rwanda genocide."

Going by the French historical record in Africa that Mr. Sarkozy is positioning himself to perpetuate, we tell him that France's current de-facto status as colonial master in francophone Africa and in the Southern Cameroons promotes corruption, dictators and genocides.

We call on the French, President Nicolas Sarkozy de Nagy-Bocsa and their colony, la Republique du Cameroun, to leave the territory of the Southern Cameroons in accordance with international laws.

The Uncompleted De-colonization Process of the Former Trust Territory of British Cameroons

By Mola Njoh Litumbe

Extracts from British Declassified Documents on the Southern Cameroons

“In particular we must be very careful about independence and temporary sovereignty lest N. Cameroon is likely influenced not to join Nigeria. This I believe is the overriding consideration. So we must be more or less tough with Foncha that joining his Cameroun Republic does not allow sovereignty for a term (sic) of years and then a Federation.”

“Any idea of a prolonged period of continued Trusteeship or of separate independent existence of the Southern Cameroons must be ruled out. This should be made clear at an early date to Foncha.”

“First of all I take it that objections hitherto seen to establishment of a separate Southern Cameroons State remain as strong as ever …. I am therefore assuming in what follows that our policy remains strongly against such a solution.”

“If Southern Cameroons political parties did combine to take action envisaged in paragraph 2 of telegram under reference, this would place us in a very embarrassing position. With support of moderate Afro-Asians and others, we have always argued that separate independence would produce an entirely unviable State. We have supported a unanimous resolution prescribing plebiscite which involves choice between Nigeria and Cameroun Republic.”

“I think it is important that we should not allow this matter to slide, as may happen if we are not sufficiently firm with Foncha – and perhaps also with Field – about the “third question” movement. I believe a firm attitude on this now may save us a great deal of trouble later and I think that H.M.G’s position should be made abundantly clear to Foncha in an effort to scotch tendencies towards the third question.”

“Can one argue that the terms of the question “Do you wish to attain independence by joining the Republic?” allow for an interim period during which the Southern Cameroons will virtually have its own separate and independent existence while the terms of reunification with the Republic are being worked out? The words “by joining the Republic” taken literally appear to rule this out. But it may be that Foncha will seek to argue that if his solution, having been agreed to by Ahidjo, is not opposed by the U.K., the U.N. may be induced to wear it. There would be the better grounds for this if Endeley were prepared also to agree to this interpretation of the question. We do not like all this at all. But we like the alternatives even less. To go for complete independence or to seek to insert a third choice in the plebiscite would create major difficulties.”

“What would worry me is if a sequel to the Southern Cameroons try for independence was the Northern Cameroons went the same way. That would really I think upset our relationship with Nigeria as a whole and for a long time to come, and that is something which we must at all costs avoid. The Southern Cameroons and its inhabitants are undoubtedly expendable in relation to this.”

A Ravaging Political Storm over the Independence of the Former British Southern Cameroons

By Mola Njoh Litumbe

1. Bamenda, capital of the North West Province in Cameroun, has witnessed major political events in recent history. It was the birthplace of the ruling CPDM party in [la Republique du ] Cameroun, as well as that of the SDF, the leading opposition political party. It now seems destined to play host to another major event as the trial of SCNC activists and that of Professor Martin Chia Ateh, for secession, gathers momentum.

2. The Examining Magistrate, Justice Angelina Atabong, in a Commital Order dated 03/04/2007, charges Professor Ateh for advocating secession of the North West and South West Provinces from La Republique du Cameroun, and for attempting to hold a public meeting at the Presbyterian Youth Centre, Azire, without first notifying the administrative authorities. The recorded statements suggest that Professor Ateh denies the first charge, on grounds that legally speaking, Southern Cameroons is not part of the Republic of Cameroon in as much as the legal formalities to consummate the union were not complied with. In the result, he states that as there was no legal marriage between the two countries as required by international law, the parties are, as it were, living in “sin” rather than “in holy matrimony.” Accordingly, since the union is not founded on legality, parties are free to go their separate ways in the event of disagreement. Secession implies breaking away from a legally constituted unit.

3. The facts of the matter are that the country now known as La Republique du Cameroun graduated from the status of a French Administered UN Trust Territory that was granted independence on 1st January 1960 with a seat at the UN in September of the same year. The International convention of the African Union enjoins emerging African states to respect the colonial boundaries inherited at independence. That being the case, the boundaries of La Republique du Cameroun which attained independence on 1st January 1960 are clearly defined under international law, and cannot include the territory known as British Southern Cameroons which, at the material time of La Republique du Cameroon’s independence, was still a UN trust territory administered by Great Britain. For a charge of secession to succeed therefore, the prosecution has to establish that at some time subsequent to 1st January 1960, Southern Cameroons got legally incorporated as an integral part of La Republique du Cameroun.