Secretive and Powerful 'Cell' Suffers Blows As Controversies Grow
By DAVID GAUTHIER-VILLARS
May 16, 2007; Page A1
On the evening of March 4, 10 French paratroopers reached Birao, Central African Republic, and dropped near an airstrip captured by rebel militia. The paratroopers ambushed the rebels, killing several and reclaiming the airport for the government.
In France, neither the public nor parliament was informed of the attack for three weeks. Coordinating the mission was the "Cellule Africaine," a three-person office nestled behind the Elysée, France's presidential palace. This wasn't the first time the office has been involved in the Central African Republic's internal affairs: In 1979, France toppled the former colony's self-proclaimed emperor and reinstalled his predecessor.
GUARDING FRANCE'S AFRICAN FRONTIER
How French presidents from de Gaulle to Chirac have handled the "African Cell" and France's interests in Africa.
For the past half-century, the secretive and powerful "African Cell" has overseen France's strategic interests in Africa, holding sway over a wide swath of former French colonies. Acting as a general command, the Cell uses France's military as a hammer to install leaders it deems friendly to French interests. In return, these countries give French industries first crack at their oil and other natural resources. Sidestepping traditional diplomatic channels, the Cell reports only to one person: the president.
But with France's new President Nicolas Sarkozy preparing to assume office later today, the African Cell's days may be numbered. There are accusations the French military bears some responsibility for the genocide of 800,000 Tutsis in Rwanda in 1994, charges the government strenuously denies. There's fierce debate over the French military's continuing presence in the Ivory Coast, where soldiers were dispatched in 2002 when rebels threatened to overthrow President Laurent Gbagbo.
The Cell's close ties to oil giant Elf Aquitaine, where top executives were jailed on corruption charges, were a source of embarrassment. And a former Cell chief is now facing charges related to arms trafficking to Angola. Critics say the Cell's support of non-democratic African regimes, an artifact of France's colonial past, is preventing these nations from making progress to modernity. And Africa, once evidence of imperial grandeur, is now viewed by many French as the source of a continuing flood of poor immigrants.
'Tight Lid'
Even African leaders who once had a privileged relationship with Paris are beginning to distance themselves. "In the 1960s, France had the means to keep a tight lid on its former colonies," said Mamadou Diop, chief of staff of Gabon President Omar Bongo. "But France and African states cannot ignore that we now live in a globalized world."
The conservative leader Mr. Sarkozy, who was elected president on May 6, has vowed to reshape France's relationship with its former colonies -- including doing away with the Cell's secretive military operations. "A large majority of Africans don't even identify with the colonial period" that led to the Cell's creation, Mr. Sarkozy said recently. "How can we keep doing things the same way?" He hasn't detailed any specific plans.
A shift in France's policy in Africa, where some 100 million people speak French, could have major repercussions on the global stage. Some believe the Cell's demise would foster democracy in these countries, helping spark an economic boom in Africa that would benefit France. But others say that without the Cell, France's presence in Africa would simply disappear.
Already, the U.S., India and China are investing heavily in Africa, hovering around what's left of French-controlled riches on the continent, including oil fields, uranium mines, resorts, port concessions, cotton groves and Air France-KLM SA's rich portfolio of landing rights.
Mining Companies
Last November, China held a summit in Beijing for 40 African leaders. In Niger, global mining companies are challenging France's effective monopoly on uranium production. Two months ago, French state-controlled nuclear company Areva SA, which operates Niger's two uranium mines, won access to only five out of 19 exploration areas being auctioned, with the rest going to Chinese, British and Canadian companies. "We've noticed a growing appetite among our competitors," said Areva spokesman Charles Hufnagel.
FRENCH EVOLUTION
The News: The election of President Nicolas Sarkozy could mean the end to the 'African Cell.'
The Background: For half a century, the secretive Cell has overseen France's strategic interests in Africa.
What It Means: Some believe the Cell's demise will spark an economic boom in Africa that will help France. Others say that without the Cell, France's Africa presence will simply disappear.
France's long history in Africa dates back to the 17th century, when France built up a presence there with the slave trade. After World War II, France shared control of the continent with Belgium, Portugal and the United Kingdom. Even though African countries began to gain their independence in the 1950s and 1960s, France continued to regard Africa as its backyard.
When Gen. Charles de Gaulle was elected president in 1958, France was at war with Algeria, where more much-needed oil and natural-gas reserves had just been discovered. That same year, Gen. de Gaulle instructed Jacques Foccart, the head of the first "African Cell," to keep Gabon, Ivory Coast and other sub-Saharan colonies in check. Nearly all the African colonies agreed to join a newly created "Franco-African Community," giving Paris privileged, and sometimes exclusive, access to raw materials.
At the time, France was preoccupied with the Cold War and countering Soviet influence. So it readily ignored the lack of democratic institutions and elected leaders in its former colonies. In return, the countries largely did Paris's bidding. "The Community was like a classroom where pupils had to keep quiet," said Martin Ziguélé, prime minister of the Central African Republic from 2001 to 2003 and a professor at the Political Institute of Nancy, France.
'Mr. Africa'
When the Franco-African Community collapsed because its members sought independence, Mr. Foccart, nicknamed "Mr. Africa," replaced the rigid structure with a series of defense pacts allowing France to keep military bases on the continent -- thus guaranteeing that Paris could continue to exert control over its former colonies.
Leon Mba, Foccart & De Gaulle (L to R)
Much of the Cell's efforts were directed at protecting France's economic interests. In 1964, Léon M'ba, Gabon's first elected president, was overthrown; the state-run oil firm that later became Elf Aquitaine had already begun production there. Mr. Foccart and Pierre Guillaumat, head of the state-run oil firm, decided that the French military should reinstall Mr. M'ba. The mission was a success. Nevertheless, the event prompted Paris to bolster its grip on Gabon.
So Mr. Foccart, as he explained in his memoirs, reshuffled Gabon's constitution to create a vice-president position, selecting Omar Bongo for the job. When Mr. M'ba died in 1967, Mr. Bongo became Africa's youngest head of state at age 32. Four decades later, he is still president. Total SA, the oil company that now owns Elf, commands about a third of Gabon's oil output.
African countries would often lobby to raise their standing in Paris. After the election of Socialist President François Mitterrand in 1981, two Gabonese officials arrived at Socialist party headquarters with briefcases full of cash -- a contribution by Mr. Bongo, the Gabon president. "Politely but firmly, I instructed that the delegation be sent home," recalled former Prime Minister Lionel Jospin, then Socialist Party chief, in written comments responding to emailed questions.
"If Mr. Bongo, with his own money, made payments to French politicians, it was out of generosity," said Mr. Diop, chief of staff to President Bongo. "It was not to influence French elections."
Such situations made some in Paris nervous. That year, France's Cooperation Minister Jean-Pierre Cot vowed to cut financing to African dictatorships and eliminate informal networks. But Mr. Cot was deemed too revolutionary and was soon forced to resign. Mr. Mitterand restored more power to the African Cell.
In 1995, Jacques Chirac became president. Determined to have strong influence on Africa, the conservative leader brought Mr. Foccart -- "Mr. Africa" -- out of retirement and returned him to the Cell. But the conservative Mr. Chirac was soon forced to share power with a Socialist government, which was eager to curtail France's military intervention in Africa. During this period, France's grip over its former colonies loosened, and interventions became erratic.
Facing Scrutiny
By now, France's policies in Africa were facing scrutiny -- this time from investigative magistrates who had set their sights on Elf, the oil company. Working with the African Cell, Elf had built strongholds in Gabon and Congo-Brazzaville and had expanded beyond the former colonies to countries like Angola.
In 1994, judges started investigating why Elf was providing money, often via its Gabon unit, to a French textile group called Bidermann SA. The probe, and a subsequent trial in France, uncovered a maze of Elf-led offshore companies and a vast system of corruption spreading throughout Europe, Africa and Asia. While no former Cell officials were formally charged, the Elf trials raised questions about France's conduct on the continent.
Loïk Le Floch-Prigent, who was Elf chairman between 1989 and 1993 and served a prison term after being convicted of abusing company funds, said in an interview that Elf's founders were trying to ensure the company's African operations were protected from frequent violence on the continent. Mr. Le Floch-Prigent, now a free-lance energy consultant, said the system served broader French interests in Africa. "People saw only the dark side of the mechanism, and I turned into the main culprit," he said.
Michel de Bonnecorse, the current Cell chief, said such mechanisms are "things of the past." He noted that these days, the Cell's "guideline is to preserve stability." When France closed its eyes on autocratic governments in Chad or Togo, where President Gnassingbé Eyadéma ruled for 38 years until his death in 2005, it was to avoid civil war, he said. "We're being pragmatic."
Navigate Bureaucracy
Not everything the Cell deals with these days is life and death, Mr. de Bonnecorse added. He said part of his job is to help French companies navigate African bureaucracy and provide support to African leaders who need "to get their daughters into a prestigious high school in France." He played down the Cell's secretive nature, saying that while he reports directly to the president, "the defense and foreign-affairs ministries get a copy of all our memos."
Earlier this year, the Cell suffered another blow to its reputation when Jean-Christophe Mitterrand, son of the late Socialist president and head of the Cell from 1986 to 1992, was charged in a case involving the sale of $550 million of weapons to Angola between 1993 and 1994, when Angola was recovering from three decades of civil war.
In the case, a French arms dealer is suspected of having paid commissions to French politicians and intermediaries as part of the deal. Mr. Mitterand, who is set to stand trial next year, said he received commissions for helping Angola's government obtain financing for oil projects, not arms.
The Angola probe strained diplomatic relations with France. In 2004, Angola stripped Total of a large production block on its territory and soon after handed the operation to Chinese oil company Sinopec Corp. Mr. de Bonnecorse said he's tried to lessen the friction. "But when I tell Angola's president that I can't dismiss the judge, he doesn't believe me," Mr. de Bonnecorse said.
Development Aid
Today, the investigations are held up as proof that France's policy in Africa has to change. President-elect Mr. Sarkozy has said France's development aid would go only toward democratic regimes and that France would stop using its army to meddle in African politics.
Bolstered by the clear shift in rhetoric, some countries see opportunity. The U.S., for example, has aggressively turned to African markets for oil. Last year, crude-oil supplies from Africa topped imports from the Middle East and accounted for 22% of U.S. imports, almost double the contribution of 2002. Last year, Gabon selected Chinese partners to develop an iron mine, a project that includes plans for a hydropower plant, a rail track and a port terminal.
What's unclear is what rules Africa's new visitors will play by. Mr. Diop, the Gabon president's chief of staff, said China has a pragmatic approach: "When Chinese officials come to Gabon, they leave thorny issues such as corporate governance aside," he said. "If we ask for a debt rescheduling and it makes business sense, they do it. No need to fight, no questions asked."
